Les Savants Ne Sont Pas Mystérieux ∞ By Rui Tenreiro _________________________________
The Public Office was located in what had once been a residential building. 'Second floor, turn left' instructed the security guard. I went up the stairs and entered the office. It had clearly been an apartment once. The entrance hall served as a pre-room to the office area. On the entrance there was a board with a sheet which showed the opening times. There were also instructions on how to fill forms and two I.D. cards which had been forgotten. I took a few steps towards a long reception desk. Behind the desk there were metallic tables on which dossiers and piles of documents, folders and boxes stood. Two metallic cupboards, one on each side of the room, were closed. An old computer stood in a corner, unused. A man sat right behind the reception desk. I hadn't seen him at first, he was holding a newspaper in front of his face and it covered the whole of him. Behind him there were two other men. One of them spoke on the phone. Sitting on his desk, he looked down at a paper where he corrected information of some sort. As he did so, he put his eyes very close to the sheet and wrote down the information that was being dictated over the phone. He did this meticulously, as if drawing the information, slowly engraving it on the form. The other man was not a public office worker, I think, but I wasn't sure. He was trying to repair a printer but the cartridge seemed not to fit back in the machine. He kept on trying to put it back and, between each trial, he would analyse the cartridge as if looking for a fault he couldn't find, he would try again and again, different angles, but it just didn't seem to fit back. A woman sat on a wooden bench that faced the desk, a low bench. She seemed to be waiting for something and stood behind me. The man standing next to the reception desk lowered the newspaper and I could see his face. What was this? What was the problem with these people? Shocked by being ignored by the worker I looked back at the woman. She seemed to be in a place very far away from here. Wherever it was, it didn't seem like a happy place, it was a place full of worries. The paper reader lifted the indicator and started digging into one nostril. He took out an invisible something and slowly began rolling it between the thumb and the indicator. He took his finger out to turn the page and put his hand shielding his eyes from my gaze. As all this went through my mind, the man opened a side drawer of his desk and started moving things around in it. He took out a blue BIC pen, took out the lid, and put it at the other extremity. He stretched out one hand over the desk, he still hadn't looked up at me but his hand was definitely asking something from me, finally. So I went down and got the stamps and went back up. He had taken out a stamp and the ink pad but was winding his wristwatch. I gave him the stamps and the forms. On my way down I passed by the security guard. He was an old man who sat listening to an old, battery-operated radio. "These people!" - I said, venting out my anger on the first person I saw. He smiled amiably and lifted his hands up for a moment, joining them like a prayer and bowing his head slightly in a goodbye motion. I lifted my hand, corresponded with another bow and walked out the building door. I was out on the streets again. When I went to Cabo Delgado I met up with a Maconde woman from whom I began learning ceramics. I felt truly previleged to being able to spend two days with a family who farmed for a living and who did ceramics to get some extra income. They recieved me very well, and we ate boiled pumpkin and drank local distilled spirits. I liked the drink so much, but I heard that you can go blind if you drink too much of it. If I should go blind, then I could do ceramics, because the pleasure of drawing would be lost. When I learned from my Maconde tutor, I was letting myself become involved in one of the three schools which many African artists learn from, that is the second in a list of three. The first school belongs to self-taught artists, the second one - the one I took part in while in Cabo Delgado - in which an elder or family member passes the knowledge down to apprentices through workshops (Cooperatives served the same purpose). The third school is the formal western system. Artists learn from institutions like art schools and universities. They learn about Western aesthetics and about Western artists, they learn about Western attitudes towards creation of artworks. I have heard that this can lead to a crisis of identity in which the artist cannot conciliate such different ways of dealing with art: the Western and African ways are so completely different. The Maconde, I have heard, remain stubborn and impenetrable to the requests to produce artworks as Western patrons want them. I once tried to work with a Maconde artist and it involved a lot of compromise for my final piece, so much, that it wouldn’t be a collaboration at all. It was the Maconde wood or no wood. The carver wouldn’t carve from anything else. Anyway, I should choose my collaborations according to my needs. I admire that Maconde have not let their culture be sold off. Not completely at least. Unlike the Yoruba - whose pre-colonial artwork later became sold more widely - the Maconde arts took two different paths. One continued to be the traditional way of carving. Maconde didn’t polish their ebony carvings, I’m not sure how this habit was picked up. The second style is called nnandenga. This is more abstract, elongated, sometimes it’s hard to see what we are looking at. It’s hard to describe. Unfortunately for the artists, these sculptures have been perceived more as objects made to correspond to a Western taste. Maconde wouldn’t buy these sculptures since they depart from the traditional objects for which they have a use.
Therefore, Maconde art is now in a great dilemma. The more traditional artworks have been accepted internationally as high quality carvings, often used as home decoration, but without much value as ‘art objects’. As for nnandenga, these are simply seen as something created for a non-Maconde market, and have less value. I’m hoping that my Maconde pieces aren’t dismissed as ‘a higher grade of airport art’. I think they are fine pieces, but I am aware that, for now, they are destined to decorate my house instead of being expensive museum pieces. But I like them all the same and I will continue to ‘buy Maconde’. At the end of my short stay with the Maconde family in Cabo Delgado, we burned the clay pots in a pit, which was filled with twigs and branches. We sat in the compound at dawn watching the pots burn up, drank the distilled spirits, ate the boiled pumpkin, and I parted with a warm clay pot in my hands.
The aesthetic of 'Cool' Author Robert Farris Thompson, professor of art history at Yale University, suggests that Itutu, which he translates as 'mystic coolness,' is one of three pillars of a religious philosophy created in the 15th century by Yoruba and Igbo civilizations of West Africa. Cool, or Itutu, contained meanings of conciliation and gentleness of character, of generosity and grace, and the ability to defuse fights and disputes. It also was associated with physical beauty. In Yoruba culture, Itutu is connected to water, because to the Yoruba the concept of coolness retained its physical connotation of temperature. He cites a definition of cool from the Gola people of Liberia, who define it as the ability to be mentally calm or detached, in an other-worldly fashion, from one's circumstances, to be nonchalant in situations where emotionalism or eagerness would be natural and expected. Joseph M. Murphy writes that "cool" is also closely associated with the deity Òsun of the Yoruba religion. Although Thompson acknowledges similarities between African and European cool in shared notions of self-control and imperturbability, he finds the cultural value of cool in Africa which influenced the African diaspora to be different from that held by Europeans, who use the term primarily as the ability to remain calm under stress. According to Thompson, there is significant weight, meaning and spirituality attached to cool in traditional African cultures, something which, Thompson argues, is absent from the idea in a Western context. "Control, stability, and composure under the African rubric of the cool seem to constitute elements of an all-embracing aesthetic attitude." African cool, writes Thompson, is "more complicated and more variously expressed than Western notions of sang-froid (literally, "cold blood"), cooling off, or even icy determination." The telling point is that the "mask" of coolness is worn not only in time of stress, but also of pleasure, in fields of expressive performance and the dance. Struck by the re-occurrence of this vital notion elsewhere in tropical Africa and in the Black Americas, I have come to term the attitude "an aesthetic of the cool" in the sense of a deeply and completely motivated, consciously artistic, interweaving of elements serious and pleasurable, of responsibility and play. [source] |